He can rightfully be considered a veteran in Ukrainian politics. He began his career from the bottom, as befits a party functionary in the Land of Soviets. Vladimir Oleinik, who occupied leading posts in the system of state administration during the era of communism, was accused by ill-wishers of betraying the ideals of the party, double-dealing, and even corruption. However, the politician himself considers this all as insinuations and repeatedly emphasized that he never took and never gave bribes. And when Vladimir Oleynik ran three times in the parliament of the Verkhovna Rada, he did not even think about paying for a place on the list. What was his path to the political Olympus, and why today does the politician of the old formation live and work not in his native Ukraine, but in Russia?
Years of childhood and youth
What, first of all, can interest both Russians and Ukrainians in such a person as Vladimir Oleinik? Biography! Photo politics today is often found on the pages of print media. He is in disgrace under the current Ukrainian authorities and does not wait until the political elite in his native country changes.
Vladimir Nikolaevich Oleinik was born in the village of Buzovka (Zhashkovsky district, Cherkasy region). It happened on April 16, 1957. The future deputy of the Verkhovna Rada was raised by parents on the ideas of classical Christianity, since the father and mother of the politician were religious people. However, from his youth Vladimir Oleinik gravitated toward "secular life", leaning towards the atheistic principles of life. First, he became a Komsomol member, and then joined the ranks of the CPSU. Having reached adulthood, the young man was called up to serve in military service in the Armed Forces.
Labor and study
Demobilized, Vladimir Oleinik gets a job as a simple mechanic at a car enterprise. The young man realizes the need for a second higher education and simultaneously enters the Kharkov Law Institute, the graduation of which he will be issued in 1981. After that, he worked by profession in the Dnieper District Court (Cherkasy) and from 1982 to 1987, as a representative of Themis, he considered civil cases.
In 1985, he was appointed chairman of the Cherkasy District Court.
Party line career
In 1987, Vladimir Oleinik, whose biography is certainly of interest to political scientists, was appointed to the post of head of the department of administrative and financial-trade bodies of the local city committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. Soon after, the young man was assigned the duties of an instructor in the state legal department at the local regional committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. He is sent to a party school in Odessa, and in 1991 Oleinik Vladimir Nikolaevich, whose photo is familiar to almost every representative of the political establishment of Ukraine, becomes her graduate (specialty - political science).
Work in the bureaucracy
In the period from 1990 to 1994, he held the position of assistant to the head of the city executive committee of the city of Cherkasy. The next eight years, a graduate of the Kharkov Law Institute worked as the mayor.
For one year (1998–1999), he combined this work with the presidency of the Association of Ukrainian Cities. In the fall of 2009, he assumed the post of head of the Expressinform Information Agency JSC, having worked in a new quality for himself until the spring of 2010.
Presidential Election
In the late 90s, with the support of the mayor of Kirovograd, Oleynik as a candidate participated in the presidential elections in Ukraine. In the summer of 1999, in the city of Kanev, Vladimir Nikolaevich, together with Yevgeny Marchuk, Alexander Tkachenko and Alexander Moroz, signed an agreement in order to nominate a single candidate for a leadership position in the country as a counterweight to Leonid Kuchma. Such a political alliance was subsequently called the Kanevskaya Four. After some time, she broke up due to internal disagreements. As a result, Vladimir Oleynik, whose photo in 1999 “decorated” billboards in major Ukrainian cities, was forced to withdraw in favor of his colleague, Yevgeny Marchuk.
In the second round of the presidential election, the initiator of the "Kanevskaya Four" voted for the representative of the "left" party - Pyotr Symonenko.
In the first half of the 2000s, Vladimir Nikolaevich worked actively in the Ukrainian People’s Party "Cathedral", and in 2004 at the next presidential election he was Viktor Yushchenko's confidant.
Work in the Verkhovna Rada
In 2006, Oleynik adjoins the political Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko and becomes the People’s Deputy of the VRU of the V convocation. Then, a graduate of the Kharkov Law Institute becomes an assistant to the head of the parliamentary committee in charge of industrial and regulatory policies and entrepreneurship.
After some time, Vladimir Nikolaevich changes his political orientation and joins the Party of Regions, whose support in the spring of 2010 provides him with a seat in the Ukrainian parliament of the VI convocation. He receives the post of first assistant to the head of the parliamentary committee responsible for resolving issues of legislative support for law enforcement.
Oleinik, together with Vadim Kolesnichenko, developed a regulatory act that tightens responsibility for defamation, extremism, and the dissemination of "secret" information in relation to representatives of law enforcement agencies. This law, adopted in Verkhovna Rada under the influence of deputies of the PR and the Communist Party of Ukraine, caused a serious resonance in society and provoked numerous protests from people who demanded the repeal of draconian law restricting human rights and freedoms.
The threat of accountability
Ukrainian investigators suspected Oleynik and several of his colleagues that the vote on the sensational law was in violation of the law. Say, they deliberately "falsified" this procedure. As a result, Vladimir Nikolaevich was put on the wanted list.
